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THE TALE, the Parable, and the Fable are all common and popular modes of conveying instruction. —
故事、寓言和神话是传达教导的常见和流行的方式。 —

Each is distinguished by its own special characteristics. —
每种方式都有其独特的特点。 —

The Tale consists simply in the narration of a story either founded on facts, or created solely by the imagination, and not necessarily associated with the teaching of any moral lesson. —
故事仅仅是是根据事实或完全由想象创作的故事,不一定与教授任何道德教训相关。 —

The Parable is the designed use of language purposely intended to convey a hidden and secret meaning other than that contained in the words themselves; —
寓言是有意使用语言来传达除了文字本身含义之外的隐藏和秘密含义; —

and which may or may not bear a special reference to the hearer, or reader. —
它可能与听众或读者有一种特殊的关联,也可能没有。 —

The Fable partly agrees with, and partly differs from both of these. —
寓言部分同意并部分不同于这两者。 —

It will contain, like the Tale, a short but real narrative; —
它将像故事一样包含一个简短但真实的故事; —

it will seek, like the Parable, to convey a hidden meaning, and that not so much by the use of language, as by the skilful introduction of fictitious characters; —
它将像寓言一样试图传达一个隐藏的含义,不是通过语言的使用,而是通过巧妙引入虚构角色。 —

and yet unlike to either Tale or Parable, it will ever keep in view, as its high prerogative, and inseparable attribute, the great purpose of instruction, and will necessarily seek to inculcate some moral maxim, social duty, or political truth. —
然而与寓言或比喻不同的是,它将始终把教导的伟大目的和不可分离的特性视为其至高无上的权力,并必然寻求灌输一些道德准则、社会责任或政治真理。 —

The true Fable, if it rise to its high requirements, ever aims at one great end and purpose representation of human motive, and the improvement of human conduct, and yet it so conceals its design under the disguise of fictitious characters, by clothing with speech the animals of the field, the birds of the air, the trees of the wood, or the beasts of the forest, that the reader shall receive advice without perceiving the presence of the adviser. —
真正的寓言如果能达到其高要求,总是旨在揭示人类动机和促进人类行为的改进,而同时又以虚构的角色为外衣,通过给野兽、鸟类、树木或森林中的动物赋予说话能力来隐藏其设计,以便读者能够接受建议,却察觉不到建议的存在。 —

Thus the superiority of the counsellor, which often renders counsel unpalatable, is kept out of view, and the lesson comes with the greater acceptance when the reader is led, unconsciously to himself, to have his sympathies enlisted in behalf of what is pure, honorable, and praiseworthy, and to have his indignation excited against what is low, ignoble, and unworthy. —
因此,辅导员的优越性常常使辅导变得令人不悦,他们的教训只有在读者不知不觉中使他们的同情心转向纯洁、光荣和值得称赞的事物,同时让他们对低俗、卑鄙和不值得的事物感到愤慨。 —

The true fabulist, therefore, discharges a most important function. —
因此,真正的寓言作家扮演着非常重要的角色。 —

He is neither a narrator, nor an allegorist. —
他既不是一个叙述者,也不是一个寓言家。 —

He is a great teacher, a corrector of morals, a censor of vice, and a commender of virtue. —
他是一位伟大的教师,道德的正确者,罪恶的批评者,品德的推崇者。 —

In this consists the superiority of the Fable over the Tale or the Parable. —
这就是寓言与故事或寓言的优越之处所在。 —

The fabulist is to create a laugh, but yet, under a merry guise, to convey instruction. —
寓言作家要带给人们笑声,但在欢快的外表下,传达教诲。 —

Phaedrus, the great imitator of Aesop, plainly indicates this double purpose to be the true office of the writer of fables.
Aesop的伟大模仿者Phaedrus明确指出,这种双重目的是寓言作家的真正职责。

Duplex libelli dos est: quod risum movet,
这本书有两种作用:一是引发笑声,二是给智者提供生活的忠告。

Et quod prudenti vitam consilio monet.
Et quod prudenti vitam consilio monet.(他给聪明人提供生活的忠告。)

The continual observance of this twofold aim creates the charm, and accounts for the universal favor, of the fables of Aesop. “The fable,” says Professor K. O. Mueller, “originated in Greece in an intentional travestie of human affairs. —
持续观察这个双重目标创造了寓言的魅力,并解释了它受到普遍喜爱的原因。按照 K. O. Mueller 教授的说法,“寓言”起源于希腊,是对人类事务的有意讽刺。 —

The ‘ainos,’ as its name denotes, is an admonition, or rather a reproof veiled, either from fear of an excess of frankness, or from a love of fun and jest, beneath the fiction of an occurrence happening among beasts; —
正如它的名字所示,“ainos”是一种含蓄的训诫,或者更确切地说,是封装在兽类之间发生的故事中的训斥,这可能是出于对过于直率的担忧,或者出于对乐趣和玩笑的喜爱。 —

and wherever we have any ancient and authentic account of the Aesopian fables, we find it to be the same.” 1
无论我们对伊索寓言有何古老和真实的记载,我们发现它都是相同的。

The construction of a fable involves a minute attention to (1) the narration itself; —
寓言的构建需要对叙述本身进行细致的关注。 —

(2) the deduction of the moral; —
寓言要有明确的道德寓意。 —

and (3) a careful maintenance of the individual characteristics of the fictitious personages introduced into it. —
并且要仔细保持所介绍的虚构人物的个人特征。 —

The narration should relate to one simple action, consistent with itself, and neither be overladen with a multiplicity of details, nor distracted by a variety of circumstances. —
叙述应该涉及一个简单一致、自洽的行动,既不应过多地凝滞在细节上,也不能因为各种情况而分心。 —

The moral or lesson should be so plain, and so intimately interwoven with, and so necessarily dependent on, the narration, that every reader should be compelled to give to it the same undeniable interpretation. —
道德或寓意应该显而易见,与叙述紧密交织在一起,以至于每个读者都被迫给予它同样无可辩驳的解释。 —

The introduction of the animals or fictitious characters should be marked with an unexceptionable care and attention to their natural attributes, and to the qualities attributed to them by universal popular consent. —
动物或虚构角色的引入应该注意它们的自然属性,以及被普遍公认的特质。 —

The Fox should be always cunning, the Hare timid, the Lion bold, the Wolf cruel, the Bull strong, the Horse proud, and the Ass patient. —
狐狸应始终狡猾,兔子胆小,狮子勇敢,狼残忍,公牛强壮,马自豪,驴子耐心。 —

Many of these fables are characterized by the strictest observance of these rules. —
这些寓言中的许多都严格遵守这些规则。 —

They are occupied with one short narrative, from which the moral naturally flows, and with which it is intimately associated. —
它们只涉及一个简短的叙述,道德从其中自然流露,并与之紧密相关。 —

“’Tis the simple manner,” says Dodsley, 2 “in which the morals of Aesop are interwoven with his fables that distinguishes him, and gives him the preference over all other mythologists. —
“正是Aesop寓言中的道德与故事情节交织的简单方式,使他与所有其他神话学家相比,具有了优势。”——Dodsley先生。 —

His ‘Mountain delivered of a Mouse,’ produces the moral of his fable in ridicule of pompous pretenders; —
他的寓言“大山生了只老鼠”通过嘲笑虚伪的自命不凡者,传递出寓言的道德。 —

and his Crow, when she drops her cheese, lets fall, as it were by accident, the strongest admonition against the power of flattery. —
当他的乌鸦掉下奶酪时,仿佛偶然一样,警示人们对奉承的力量。 —

There is no need of a separate sentence to explain it; —
不需要单独的句子来解释它; —

no possibility of impressing it deeper, by that load we too often see of accumulated reflections. —
通过那些我们经常看到的累积的反思,不可能使它更深刻。 —

” 3 An equal amount of praise is due for the consistency with which the characters of the animals, fictitiously introduced, are marked. —
“对于虚构的动物角色的一贯一致性,应该给予同等的称赞。 —

While they are made to depict the motives and passions of men, they retain, in an eminent degree, their own special features of craft or counsel, of cowardice or courage, of generosity or rapacity.
虽然它们被用来描绘人的动机和情感,但它们在很大程度上保留了自己的特点,无论是狡诈或谋略,懦弱或勇敢,慷慨或贪婪。

These terms of praise, it must be confessed, cannot be bestowed on all the fables in this collection. —
必须承认,并非所有这些寓言都能获得这些赞誉。 —

Many of them lack that unity of design, that close connection of the moral with the narrative, that wise choice in the introduction of the animals, which constitute the charm and excellency of true Aesopian fable. —
其中许多缺乏设计的统一性,缺乏道义与叙述的紧密联系,缺乏在引入动物方面的明智选择,这些构成了真正的伊索寓言的魅力与优点。 —

This inferiority of some to others is sufficiently accounted for in the history of the origin and descent of these fables. —
一些寓言比其他寓言劣势明显的原因,在这些寓言的起源和传承历史中可以得到合理解释。 —

The great bulk of them are not the immediate work of Aesop. Many are obtained from ancient authors prior to the time in which he lived. —
其中大部分并非伊索本人的作品。许多寓言是从他所生活的时代之前的古代作者那里获取的。 —

Thus, the fable of the “Hawk and the Nightingale” is related by Hesiod; —
因此,“老鹰和夜莺”的寓言是赫西奥德(Hesiod)讲述的; —

4 the “Eagle wounded by an Arrow, winged with its own Feathers,” by Aeschylus; —
“被自己的羽毛射伤的老鹰”的寓言是埃斯库罗斯(Aeschylus)讲述的; —

5 the “Fox avenging his wrongs on the Eagle,” by Archilochus. —
“狐狸为了报复老鹰的不义行为”的寓言是阿尔基洛霍斯(Archilochus)讲述的。 —

6 Many of them again are of later origin, and are to be traced to the monks of the middle ages: —
其中许多寓言又是后来产生的,可以追溯到中世纪的修道士。 —

and yet this collection, though thus made up of fables both earlier and later than the era of Aesop, rightfully bears his name, because he composed so large a number (all framed in the same mould, and conformed to the same fashion, and stamped with the same lineaments, image, and superscription) as to secure to himself the right to be considered the father of Greek fables, and the founder of this class of writing, which has ever since borne his name, and has secured for him, through all succeeding ages, the position of the first of moralists.7
然而,尽管这个故事集由早于和晚于伊索时代的寓言组成,但它完全拥有他的名字是有道理的,因为他创作了如此众多的寓言(都采用了相同的模式,符合相同的风格,印有相同的特征、形象和铭文),为自己确立了被认为是希腊寓言之父,并成为这一类写作的创始人,这个类别至今以他的名字命名,并使他在所有后来的时代里被视为道德学家的首位。

The fables were in the first instance only narrated by Aesop, and for a long time were handed down by the uncertain channel of oral tradition. —
最初,这些寓言只是由伊索口述,并且长时间以来通过不确定的口头传统来流传。 —

Socrates is mentioned by Plato 8 as having employed his time while in prison, awaiting the return of the sacred ship from Delphos which was to be the signal of his death, in turning some of these fables into verse, but he thus versified only such as he remembered. —
柏拉图在《苏格拉底的辩护》中提到苏格拉底在狱中等待从德尔斐返回的神船,以此作为他的死亡信号时,把其中一些寓言改成了诗歌,但他只诗化了他记得住的寓言。 —

Demetrius Phalereus, a philosopher at Athens about 300 B.C., is said to have made the first collection of these fables. —
公元前300年左右,雅典的哲学家德墨提乌斯·法利欧斯被说成是第一个收集这些寓言故事的人。 —

Phaedrus, a slave by birth or by subsequent misfortunes, and admitted by Augustus to the honors of a freedman, imitated many of these fables in Latin iambics about the commencement of the Christian era. —
费德鲁斯,一位生来或后来由于不幸成为奴隶,被奥古斯都接纳为获得自由的人的荣誉,并在公元前的早期用拉丁韵律写了许多这样的寓言故事。 —

Aphthonius, a rhetorician of Antioch, A.D. 315, wrote a treatise on, and converted into Latin prose, some of these fables. —
Aphthonius(阿普托尼乌斯)是一位来自安提阿的修辞学家,于公元315年写了一本关于这些寓言的论著,并将其转化为拉丁散文。 —

This translation is the more worthy of notice, as it illustrates a custom of common use, both in these and in later times. —
这个翻译值得注意,因为它展示了一种常见的习俗,无论在过去还是现在都有。 2, 这个翻译更值得注意,因为它展示了一种常见的习俗,无论在过去还是现在都有。 —

The rhetoricians and philosophers were accustomed to give the Fables of Aesop as an exercise to their scholars, not only inviting them to discuss the moral of the tale, but also to practice and to perfect themselves thereby in style and rules of grammar, by making for themselves new and various versions of the fables. —
修辞学家和哲学家习惯于给他们的学生讲述伊索寓言,不仅邀请他们讨论寓言的道德,还通过创作新的和多样化的寓言版本来练习并完善自己的文体和语法规则。 —

Ausonius, 9 the friend of the Emperor Valentinian, and the latest poet of eminence in the Western Empire, has handed down some of these fables in verse, which Julianus Titianus, a contemporary writer of no great name, translated into prose. —
奥索尼乌斯,瓦伦提尼安皇帝的朋友,也是西罗马帝国最后一位有名望的诗人,用诗歌形式传承了一些这些寓言,而当时名声不大的同代作者朱利安努斯·提提安努斯将其译成了散文。 —

Avienus, also a contemporary of Ausonius, put some of these fables into Latin elegiacs, which are given by Nevelet (in a book we shall refer to hereafter), and are occasionally incorporated with the editions of Phaedrus.
埃维尼乌斯,也是奥索尼乌斯的同时代人,将其中一些寓言以拉丁抒情诗的形式表达出来,这些诗被尼弗利特收录于一本我们以后会提到的书中,并偶尔与费德鲁斯的版本合并。

Seven centuries elapsed before the next notice is found of the Fables of Aesop. During this long period these fables seem to have suffered an eclipse, to have disappeared and to have been forgotten; —
在接下来的七个世纪里,关于伊索寓言的记载便消失了,似乎遭受了一段时期的遗忘和漠视。 —

and it is at the commencement of the fourteenth century, when the Byzantine emperors were the great patrons of learning, and amidst the splendors of an Asiatic court, that we next find honors paid to the name and memory of Aesop. Maximus Planudes, a learned monk of Constantinople, made a collection of about a hundred and fifty of these fables. —
在公元十四世纪初,当拜占庭皇帝成为学问的伟大赞助者,并身处亚洲宫廷的辉煌之际,我们再次发现人们对伊索的名字和记忆致以敬意。君士坦丁堡的一位博学的修士马克西莫斯·普拉努德斯收集了大约150个这样的寓言。 —

Little is known of his history. —
对他的个人历史了解甚少。 —

Planudes, however, was no mere recluse, shut up in his monastery. —
然而,普拉努德斯并不是一个只呆在修道院里的孤僻之人。 —

He took an active part in public affairs. —
他积极参与公共事务。 —

In 1327 A.D. he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Venice by the Emperor Andronicus the Elder. This brought him into immediate contact with the Western Patriarch, whose interests he henceforth advocated with so much zeal as to bring on him suspicion and persecution from the rulers of the Eastern Church. —
公元1327年,他受到通过安德洛尼库斯老的命令派遣到威尼斯进行外交任务。这使他与西方教宗直接接触,从此以后他极力倡导西方教宗的利益,以至于招致了来自东方教会统治者的怀疑和迫害。 —

Planudes has been exposed to a two-fold accusation. —
普拉努德斯受到了双重指控。 —

He is charged on the one hand with having had before him a copy of Babrias (to whom we shall have occasion to refer at greater length in the end of this Preface), and to have had the bad taste “to transpose,” or to turn his poetical version into prose: —
他被指责一方面是因为他在手边有一个巴布里亚斯的副本(我们将在这篇前言的末尾有更详细的提及),而且他恶俗地“转移”,或者说把他的诗歌版本转化为散文: —

and he is asserted, on the other hand, never to have seen the Fables of Aesop at all, but to have himself invented and made the fables which he palmed off under the name of the famous Greek fabulist. —
另一方面,他据称从未见过伊索寓言,而是自己编造并冠以这位著名希腊寓言家的名字来编写寓言故事。 —

The truth lies between these two extremes. —
真相在这两个极端之间。 Please translate the above sentence into Chinese, with one Chinese sentence corresponding to each number. The translation should conform to Chinese conventions and maintain the numbering, punctuation, and tags in the original text. After the translation is retranslated into the original language, the meaning should remain the same without adding additional explanations or clarifications. Only return the complete translations. 1, 真相在这两个极端之间。 —

Planudes may have invented some few fables, or have inserted some that were current in his day; —
Planudes可能发明了一些寓言,或者插入了一些当时流行的寓言; —

but there is an abundance of unanswerable internal evidence to prove that he had an acquaintance with the veritable fables of Aesop, although the versions he had access to were probably corrupt, as contained in the various translations and disquisitional exercises of the rhetoricians and philosophers. —
然而,有大量无法回答的内在证据表明他与伊索寓言的确相识,尽管他所接触到的版本可能是被篡改过的,分别收录在修辞学家和哲学家的各种翻译与解说练习中。 —

His collection is interesting and important, not only as the parent source or foundation of the earlier printed versions of Aesop, but as the direct channel of attracting to these fables the attention of the learned.
他的收藏品有趣且重要,不仅作为早期印刷版伊索寓言的来源和基础,还直接吸引了学术界对这些寓言的关注。

The eventual re-introduction, however, of these Fables of Aesop to their high place in the general literature of Christendom, is to be looked for in the West rather than in the East. The calamities gradually thickening round the Eastern Empire, and the fall of Constantinople, 1453 A.D. combined with other events to promote the rapid restoration of learning in Italy; —
然而,伊索寓言重新回到基督教世界的文学高地,更多是在西方而不是东方。逐渐加剧的灾难困扰了东方帝国,并伴随着1453年君士坦丁堡的陷落,与其他事件结合起来,加速了意大利学术复兴; —

and with that recovery of learning the revival of an interest in the Fables of Aesop is closely identified. —
随着学术复兴的恢复,对伊索寓言的兴趣也密切相关。 —

These fables, indeed, were among the first writings of an earlier antiquity that attracted attention. —
事实上,这些寓言是早期古代作品中最早引起注意的。 —

They took their place beside the Holy Scriptures and the ancient classic authors, in the minds of the great students of that day. —
它们在当时的伟大学者心目中与圣经和古代经典作家并列。 —

Lorenzo Valla, one of the most famous promoters of Italian learning, not only translated into Latin the Iliad of Homer and the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, but also the Fables of Aesop.
洛伦佐·瓦拉是意大利学习最著名的推动者之一,他不仅翻译了荷马的《伊利亚特》,希罗多德和修昔底德的《历史》,还翻译了伊索的寓言。

These fables, again, were among the books brought into an extended circulation by the agency of the printing press. —
这些寓言又一次通过印刷机网路的力量在广泛传播。 —

Bonus Accursius, as early as 1475-1480, printed the collection of these fables, made by Planudes, which, within five years afterwards, Caxton translated into English, and printed at his press in West — minster Abbey, 1485. —
约在1475年至1480年之间,Bonus Accursius印刷了这些寓言的集合,由Planudes编辑,而在此之后的五年内,Caxton将其翻译成英文,并在他位于西敏寺的印刷厂印刷出版,1485年。 —

10 It must be mentioned also that the learning of this age has left permanent traces of its influence on these fables, 11 by causing the interpolation with them of some of those amusing stories which were so frequently introduced into the public discourses of the great preachers of those days, and of which specimens are yet to be found in the extant sermons of Jean Raulin, Meffreth, and Gabriel Barlette. —
10 这里还必须提到,这个时代的学习对这些寓言产生了持久的影响,通过将一些有趣的故事插入其中,这些故事在当时的伟大传教士的公众演讲中经常出现,而在让·罗兰、梅弗雷思和加布里埃尔·巴莱特的现存布道词中可以找到一些例子。 —

12 The publication of this era which most probably has influenced these fables, is the “Liber Facetiarum,” 13 a book consisting of a hundred jests and stories, by the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini, published A.D. 1471, from which the two fables of the “Miller, his Son, and the Ass,” and the “Fox and the Woodcutter,” are undoubtedly selected.
12 这个时代最有可能对这些寓言产生影响的出版物是“Liber Facetiarum”,该书由著名的波焦·布拉乔利尼编著,于1471年出版,其中包括一百个笑话和故事。寓言《磨坊主、他的儿子和驴子》和《狐狸和樵夫》无疑是从这本书中选取的。

The knowledge of these fables rapidly spread from Italy into Germany, and their popularity was increased by the favor and sanction given to them by the great fathers of the Reformation, who frequently used them as vehicles for satire and protest against the tricks and abuses of the Romish ecclesiastics. —
这些寓言的知识迅速传播到德国,由于宗教改革的伟大先驱们赋予它们的青睐和认可,它们的受欢迎程度进一步提高,这些先驱们经常将它们作为讽刺和抗议罗马教廷僧侣的伎俩和滥用的工具。 —

The zealous and renowned Camerarius, who took an active part in the preparation of the Confession of Augsburgh, found time, amidst his numerous avocations, to prepare a version for the students in the university of Tubingen, in which he was a professor. —
热情洋溢且著名的卡梅拉留斯,他在奥格斯堡告白的准备中积极参与,尽管他的许多职务,还是找时间为图宾根大学的学生们准备了一份版本,他在那里担任教授。 —

Martin Luther translated twenty of these fables, and was urged by Melancthon to complete the whole; —
马丁路德翻译了其中二十个寓言,并受梅兰克顿的推动将其全部完成; —

while Gottfried Arnold, the celebrated Lutheran theologian, and librarian to Frederick I, king of Prussia, mentions that the great Reformer valued the Fables of Aesop next after the Holy Scriptures. —
戈特弗里德·阿诺德(Gottfried Arnold),著名的路德教神学家和普鲁士国王弗雷德里克一世的图书馆管理员,提到这位伟大的改革家将伊索寓言视为仅次于圣经的重要作品。 —

In 1546 A.D. the second printed edition of the collection of the Fables made by Planudes, was issued from the printing-press of Robert Stephens, in which were inserted some additional fables from a MS. in the Bibliotheque du Roy at Paris.
公元1546年,由Planudes编写的寓言集第二个印刷版从罗伯特·斯蒂芬斯的印刷厂中问世。这个版本在原有的基础上插入了一些来自巴黎国王图书馆的手稿的额外寓言。

The greatest advance, however, towards a re-introduction of the Fables of Aesop to a place in the literature of the world, was made in the early part of the seventeenth century. —
然而,伊索寓言在世界文学中重新引入的最大进展是在17世纪早期实现的。 —

In the year 1610, a learned Swiss, Isaac Nicholas Nevelet, sent forth the third printed edition of these fables, in a work entitled “Mythologia Aesopica. —
1610年,一位博学的瑞士人伊萨克·尼科拉斯·内韦莱特(Isaac Nicholas Nevelet)出版了这些寓言的第三个印刷版,名为《伊索的神话》。这是向这位伟大的寓言家致敬的一次卓越努力,也是迄今为止最完美的伊索寓言集。 —

” This was a noble effort to do honor to the great fabulist, and was the most perfect collection of Aesopian fables ever yet published. —
这部作品完美地收集了伊索的寓言,对这位伟大的寓言家表示敬意。 —

It consisted, in addition to the collection of fables given by Planudes and reprinted in the various earlier editions, of one hundred and thirty-six new fables (never before published) from MSS. in the Library of the Vatican, of forty fables attributed to Aphthonius, and of forty-three from Babrias. —
它包括了普拉努德斯收集并在不同的早期版本中重新印刷的寓言集,其中还包括来自梵蒂冈图书馆手稿的一百三十六个新寓言(以前从未出版过),以及来自阿普东尼乌斯的四十个和巴布里亚斯的四十三个寓言。 —

It also contained the Latin versions of the same fables by Phaedrus, Avienus, and other authors. —
它还包含了费德鲁斯、阿维尼乌斯和其他作者的同样寓言的拉丁译版。 —

This volume of Nevelet forms a complete “Corpus Fabularum Aesopicarum; —
内弗利修尔的这本书形成了一个完整的“伊索寓言编”,而伊索也归功于他的努力,重获全人类智慧道德师傅的普遍青睐。 —

” and to his labors Aesop owes his restoration to universal favor as one of the wise moralists and great teachers of mankind. —
在内弗利修尔这本书出版的三个世纪中,除了圣经以外,没有任何一本书的流传比伊索的寓言更广。 —

During the interval of three centuries which has elapsed since the publication of this volume of Nevelet’s, no book, with the exception of the Holy Scriptures, has had a wider circulation than Aesop’s Fables. —
在内弗利修尔这本书出版之后的三个世纪间,除了圣经之外,没有一本书比伊索的寓言更广泛流传。 —

They have been translated into the greater number of the languages both of Europe and of the East, and have been read, and will be read, for generations, alike by Jew, Heathen, Mohammedan, and Christian. —
它们已被翻译成欧洲和东方许多语言,世代阅读,不论是犹太人、异教徒、穆斯林还是基督徒。 —

They are, at the present time, not only engrafted into the literature of the civilized world, but are familiar as household words in the common intercourse and daily conversation of the inhabitants of all countries.
目前,它们不仅已经融入到文明世界的文学中,而且在所有国家的居民的日常交流和对话中也熟悉得像家常词。

This collection of Nevelet’s is the great culminating point in the history of the revival of the fame and reputation of Aesopian Fables. —
冯内列特的这个收集是Aesop寓言声誉复兴历史的巅峰之作。 —

It is remarkable, also, as containing in its preface the germ of an idea, which has been since proved to have been correct by a strange chain of circumstances. —
它也引人注目的地包含了一个理念的萌芽,在随后的奇特环境中被证明是正确的。 —

Nevelet intimates an opinion, that a writer named Babrias would be found to be the veritable author of the existing form of Aesopian Fables. —
冯内列特暗示了一个观点,即一个名叫巴布里亚斯的作家可能是现有Aesop寓言的真正作者。 —

This intimation has since given rise to a series of inquiries, the knowledge of which is necessary, in the present day, to a full understanding of the true position of Aesop in connection with the writings that bear his name.
这个提示引发了一系列的调查,了解这些调查对于现在全面了解关于Aesop与他名下的作品的真正地位是必要的。

The history of Babrias is so strange and interesting, that it might not unfitly be enumerated among the curiosities of literature. —
Babrias 的历史如此奇怪而有趣,以至于它可能毫不适宜地被列为文学的奇珍异事。 —

He is generally supposed to have been a Greek of Asia Minor, of one of the Ionic Colonies, but the exact period in which he lived and wrote is yet unsettled. —
人们普遍认为他是亚洲小亚细亚的希腊人,属于伊奥尼亚殖民地之一,但他生活和创作的确切时期尚未确定。 —

He is placed, by one critic, 14 as far back as the institution of the Achaian League, B.C. 250; —
一位评论家将他的时代追溯到阿海亚同盟的建立,公元前250年; —

by another as late as the Emperor Severus, who died A.D. 235; —
另一位将他迟至塞维鲁斯皇帝去世的公元235年; —

while others make him a contemporary with Phaedrus in the time of Augustus. —
而其他人认为他与费德鲁斯同时代,即公元奥古斯都时代。 —

At whatever time he wrote his version of Aesop, by some strange accident it seems to have entirely disappeared, and to have been lost sight of. —
无论他何时写了他的伊索寓言版本,由于某种奇怪的原因,它似乎完全消失了,不为人所知。 —

His name is mentioned by Avienus; —
他的名字被 Avienus 提到; —

by Suidas, a celebrated critic, at the close of the eleventh century, who gives in his lexicon several isolated verses of his version of the fables; —
被著名评论家西达斯提到,他在公元11世纪末编写的词典中收录了他版本的几个孤立的寓言诗句; —

and by John Tzetzes, a grammarian and poet of Constantinople, who lived during the latter half of the twelfth century. —
以及拜占庭的语法学家和诗人John Tzetzes,在公元12世纪下半叶生活时提到了他的名字。 —

Nevelet, in the preface to the volume which we have described, points out that the Fables of Planudes could not be the work of Aesop, as they contain a reference in two places to “Holy monks,” and give a verse from the Epistle of St. James as an “Epimith” to one of the fables, and suggests Babrias as their author. —
尼维尔特在我们描述的该卷的前言中指出,普拉努德斯的寓言不能是伊索的作品,因为它们在两处提到“圣僧”,并引用圣雅各伯书的一节作为其中一则寓言的“附言”,并暗示巴布里亚斯可能是它们的作者。 —

Francis Vavassor, 15 a learned French jesuit, entered at greater length on this subject, and produced further proofs from internal evidence, from the use of the word Piraeus in describing the harbour of Athens, a name which was not given till two hundred years after Aesop, and from the introduction of other modern words, that many of these fables must have been at least committed to writing posterior to the time of Aesop, and more boldly suggests Babrias as their author or collector. —
弗朗西斯·瓦瓦索尔,一位博学的法国耶稣会士,详细阐述了这个问题,并从内在证据中提供了进一步的证明,从描述雅典港口使用了“匹雷乌斯”这个词开始,这个名字在伊索之后两百年才出现,并从引入其他现代词汇来表明这些寓言中的许多至少在伊索之后才被记录下来,更大胆地暗示巴布里亚斯可能是它们的作者或收集者。 —

16 These various references to Babrias induced Dr. Plichard Bentley, at the close of the seventeenth century, to examine more minutely the existing versions of Aesop’s Fables, and he maintained that many of them could, with a slight change of words, be resolved into the Scazonic 17 iambics, in which Babrias is known to have written: —
十七世纪末,这些对巴布里阿斯的各种引用使得普利查德·本特利博士对埃索普寓言的现有版本进行了更加详细的研究,并声称其中很多可以简单改变一下词语顺序,就能还原成巴布里阿斯以斯卡佐尼克短句形式创作的寓言。 —

and, with a greater freedom than the evidence then justified, he put forth, in behalf of Babrias, a claim to the exclusive authorship of these fables. —
在当时的证据还无法完全证实的情况下,他超出事实提出了巴布里阿斯对这些寓言的独家著作权主张。 —

Such a seemingly extravagant theory, thus roundly asserted, excited much opposition. —
这种看似过度夸张的理论立即引起了很多反对声音。 —

Dr. Bentley 18 met with an able antagonist in a member of the University of Oxford, the Hon. Mr. Charles Boyle, 19 afterwards Earl of Orrery. —
本特利博士在牛津大学的一位成员查尔斯·伯尔爵士(后来成为奥里里伯爵)那里找到了一个优秀的对手。 —

Their letters and disputations on this subject, enlivened on both sides with much wit and learning, will ever bear a conspicuous place in the literary history of the seventeenth century. —
他们关于这个问题的信函和争论,以及双方展示的机智和学识,将永远在十七世纪的文学史上占据重要地位。 —

The arguments of Dr. Bentley were yet further defended a few years later by Mr. Thomas Tyrwhitt, a well-read scholar, who gave up high civil distinctions that he might devote himself the more unreservedly to literary pursuits. —
“几年后,受过良好教育的学者托马斯·提尔维特先生进一步为本特利博士的论点辩护。他放弃了高位文职,以更全心全意地从事学术研究。” —

Mr. Tyrwhitt published, A.D. 1776, a Dissertation on Babrias, and a collection of his fables in choliambic meter found in a MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. —
“提尔维特先生于1776年发表了《关于巴夫里雅斯的论文》,并整理了一批巴夫里雅斯的寓言作品,这些寓言是用巴克斯诗体写成的,收集自牛津大学博德图书馆的一本手稿。” —

Francesco de Furia, a learned Italian, contributed further testimony to the correctness of the supposition that Babrias had made a veritable collection of fables by printing from a MS. contained in the Vatican library several fables never before published. —
“意大利学者弗朗西斯科·德菲里亚进一步证实,巴夫里雅斯的寓言集确实存在。他在梵蒂冈图书馆的一本未曾发表过的手稿中发现了几篇寓言。” —

In the year 1844, however, new and unexpected light was thrown upon this subject. —
“然而,在1844年,这个问题上出现了新的、出人意料的发现。” —

A veritable copy of Babrias was found in a manner as singular as were the MSS. of Quinctilian’s Institutes, and of Cicero’s Orations by Poggio in the monastery of St. Gall A.D. 1416. —
“一份真正的巴夫里雅斯手稿以与昔日昆克蒂利安的《文法论》和西塞罗的《演说集》在1416年被波吉奥在圣加尔修道院中发现的手稿一样特殊的方式被找到。” —

M. Menoides, at the suggestion of M. Villemain, Minister of Public Instruction to King Louis Philippe, had been entrusted with a commission to search for ancient MSS., and in carrying out his instructions he found a MS. at the convent of St. Laura, on Mount Athos, which proved to be a copy of the long suspected and wished-for choliambic version of Babrias. —
M. Menoides,在路易·菲利普国王的公共教育部长M. Villemain的建议下,被委托寻找古代手稿,并在执行任务时,在圣劳拉修道院的阿索斯山上发现了一本手稿,证实了对巴布里亚斯长期怀疑和期望的节奏短步韵版本的存在。 —

This MS. was found to be divided into two books, the one containing a hundred and twenty-five, and the other ninety-five fables. —
这本手稿被发现分为两卷,一卷包含125个寓言,另一卷包含95个寓言。 —

This discovery attracted very general attention, not only as confirming, in a singular manner, the conjectures so boldly made by a long chain of critics, but as bringing to light valuable literary treasures tending to establish the reputation, and to confirm the antiquity and authenticity of the great mass of Aesopian Fable. The Fables thus recovered were soon published. —
这一发现引起了广泛关注,不仅以一种独特的方式确认了长期以来一系列评论家大胆提出的猜测,而且还揭示了有助于建立伊索寓言大部分作品声誉、确认其古老和真实性的宝贵文学财富。这些寓言很快被出版发行。 —

They found a most worthy editor in the late distinguished Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and a translator equally qualified for his task, in the Reverend James Davies, M.A., sometime a scholar of Lincoln College, Oxford, and himself a relation of their English editor. —
他们在已故的杰出人物乔治·科尔内沃尔·刘易斯爵士(Sir George Cornewall Lewis)找到了一位非常有价值的编辑,而在牛津林肯学院曾经是学者的詹姆斯·戴维斯牧师(Reverend James Davies, M.A.)则成为了一位同样胜任翻译任务的翻译家,他本人也是他们的英文编辑的亲属。 —

Thus, after an eclipse of many centuries, Babrias shines out as the earliest, and most reliable collector of veritable Aesopian Fables.
经过多个世纪的沉寂,巴布里亚斯作为最早、最可靠的真正伊索寓言集录者再次闪耀夺目。

The following are the sources from which the present translation has been prepared:
这份翻译的来源如下:

Babrii Fabulae Aesopeae. —
伊索寓言,巴布里编 —

George Cornewall Lewis. Oxford, 1846.
乔治·科尼沃尔·刘易斯,牛津,1846年

Babrii Fabulae Aesopeae. —
伊索寓言,巴布里编 —

E codice manuscripto partem secundam edidit. —
从手稿中第二部分编辑 —

George Cornewall Lewis. London: —
乔治·科尼沃尔·刘易斯,伦敦: —

Parker, 1857.
帕克,1857年

Mythologica Aesopica. —
伊索神话 —

Opera et studia Isaaci Nicholai Neveleti. —
以撒·尼科拉斯·内弗勒蒂的作品和研究. —

Frankfort, 1610.
法兰克福,1610年

Fabulae Aesopiacae, quales ante Planudem ferebantur cura et studio Francisci de Furia. Lipsiae, 1810.

伊索寓言,弗朗西斯科·德·费利亚的关心和研究。莱比锡,1810年。

Ex recognitione Caroli Halmii. —
根据卡洛斯·哈尔米的认可。 —

Lipsiae, Phaedri Fabulae Esopiae. —
莱比锡,菲得里寓言 —

Delphin Classics. 1822.
Delphin经典著作集。 1822年。

GEORGE FYLER TOWNSEND
喬治·菲勒·湯森德

  1. A History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, by K. O. Mueller. —
    1.《古希臘文學史》,K·O·米勒著。 —

Vol. i, p. l9l. London, Parker, 1858.
第一卷,第191頁。倫敦,帕克,1858年。

  1. Select Fables of Aesop, and other Fabulists. —
    2.《選集:伊索寓言及其他寓言作品》。 —

In three books, translated by Robert Dodsley, accompanied with a selection of notes, and an Essay on Fable. Birmingham, 1864. P. 60.
三卷,羅伯特·多茨利譯,附註及寓言論文選。伯明翰,1864年。第60頁。

  1. Some of these fables had, no doubt, in the first instance, a primary and private interpretation. —
    3. 這些寓言中的一些無疑最初有一個主要的私人解釋。 —

On the first occasion of their being composed they were intended to refer to some passing event, or to some individual acts of wrong-doing. —
在它們最初被創作時,它們旨在指涉某一即時事件,或某些個人的不當行為。 —

Thus, the fables of the “Eagle and the Fox” and of the “Fox and Monkey’ are supposed to have been written by Archilochus, to avenge the injuries done him by Lycambes. —
因此,《老鷹和狐狸》和《狐狸和猴子》的寓言被認為是阿基洛霍斯為報復利坎比斯對他所做的傷害而創作的。 —

So also the fables of the “Swollen Fox” and of the “Frogs asking a King” were spoken by Aesop for the immediate purpose of reconciling the inhabitants of Samos and Athens to their respective rulers, Periander and Pisistratus; —
同樣,《腫脹的狐狸》和《蛙群要求一個國王》的寓言是伊索為了立即調解薩摩斯和雅典居民對他們的統治者佩里安德和皮西斯特拉圖斯而講述的。 —

while the fable of the “Horse and Stag” was composed to caution the inhabitants of Himera against granting a bodyguard to Phalaris. —
尽管“马和雄鹿”的寓言是为了警告希梅拉居民不要给法拉里斯提供保镖。 —

In a similar manner, the fable from Phaedrus, the “Marriage of the Sun,” is supposed to have reference to the contemplated union of Livia, the daughter of Drusus, with Sejanus the favourite, and minister of Trajan. —
同样,费德鲁斯的寓言“太阳的婚姻”被认为与特拉贾努斯的宠儿和部长德鲁斯的女儿利维亚计划中的联合有关。 —

These fables, however, though thus originating in special events, and designed at first to meet special circumstances, are so admirably constructed as to be fraught with lessons of general utility, and of universal application.
然而,这些寓言虽然最初起源于特殊事件,旨在应对特殊情况,但它们构造得如此精巧,以至于充满了普遍实用和普遍适用的教训。

  1. Hesiod. Opera et Dies, verse 202.
    4. 赫西奥德的《工作和日子》,第202行。

  2. Aeschylus. Fragment of the Myrmidons. —
    5. Aeschylus《蚁人》片段。 —

Aeschylus speaks of this fable as existing before his day. —
Aeschylus将这个寓言说成是在他之前存在的。 —

See Scholiast on the Aves of Aristophanes, line 808.
见阿里斯托芬尼斯雨燕笔记,第808行。

  1. Fragment. 38, ed. Gaisford. —
    6. 片段。38,Gaisford编辑。 —

See also Mueller’s History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, vol. —
另见穆勒的《古希腊文学史》,第一卷第190-193页。 —

i. pp. 190-193.
i. pp. 190-193.

  1. M. Bayle has well put this in his account of Aesop. “Il n’y a point d’apparence que les fables qui portent aujourd’hui son nom soient les memes qu’il avait faites; —
    7. 贝尔将这一点很好地写在了他对伊索寓言的描述中。“现在以他的名字所称的寓言并不是他当年所创作的; —

elles viennent bien de lui pour la plupart, quant a la matiere et la pensee; —
它们在很大程度上源自他,无论是在主题还是思想上; —

mais les paroles sont d’un autre. —
但是言辞是另外一个人的。 —

” And again, “C’est donc a Hesiode, que j’aimerais mieux attribuer la gloire de l’invention; —
”再次,“所以我更愿意把这个发明的荣誉归功于海西尼; —

mais sans doute il laissa la chose tres imparfaite. —
但无疑,他把它留下的很不完善。 —

Esope la perfectionne si heureusement, qu’on l’a regarde comme le vrai pere de cette sorte de production. —
伊索将其完美地发展起来,以至于人们将他视为这种作品的真正奠基人。 —

” M. Bayle. Dictionnaire Historique.
”贝尔先生,《历史词典》。

  1. Plato in Ph?done.
    8. 柏拉图,《斐多篇》。

  2. Apologos en! misit tibi
    9. 我给你寄来寓言故事,

Ab usque Rheni limite
从莱茵河畔边界起

Ausonius nomen Italum
一直到奥索尼奥斯的名字,

Praeceptor Augusti tui
是你的恩师奥古斯都的导师

Aesopiam trimetriam;
伊索三行诗节;

Quam vertit exili stylo
用平实的文字把这部作品转译,

Pedestre concinnans opus
以步行的方式来进行。

Fandi Titianus artifex.
法迪·蒂提亚努斯是一位艺术家。

— Ausonii Epistola, xvi. 75-80.
——奥绪尼乌斯的信,xvi。75-80。

  1. Both these publications are in the British Museum, and are placed in the library in cases under glass, for the inspection of the curious. —
    10。这两个出版物都收藏在大英图书馆,并放置在玻璃柜里供好奇者查看。 —

ll Fables may possibly have been not entirely unknown to the mediaeval scholars. —
ii。中世纪学者可能对寓言并不完全陌生。 —

There are two celebrated works which might by some be classed amongst works of this description. —
有两部著名的作品可能被一些人归类为这种描述。 —

The one is the “Speculum Sapientiae,” attributed to St. Cyril, Archbishop of Jerusalem, but of a considerably later origin, and existing only in Latin. It is divided into four books, and consists of long conversations conducted by fictitious characters under the figures the beasts of the field and forest, and aimed at the rebuke of particular classes of men, the boastful, the proud, the luxurious, the wrathful, &c. —
其中之一是被归属于耶路撒冷大主教圣西里尔的《智慧之镜》,但它的起源要晚得多,只存在于拉丁文中。它分为四卷,由虚构的角色在田野和森林的动物形象下进行的长篇对话组成,旨在责备特定类别的人,如自夸者、骄傲者、奢侈者、暴怒者等。 —

None of the stories are precisely those of Aesop, and none have the concinnity, terseness, and unmistakable deduction of the lesson intended to be taught by the fable, so conspicuous in the great Greek fabulist. —
这些故事都不是Aesop的原作,并且没有那种寓意明确、简洁并且能清晰地传达寓意的紧凑性,在这位伟大的希腊寓言作家身上那种特征显而易见。 —

The exact title of the book is this: —
该书的确切标题是: —

“Speculum Sapientiae, B. Cyrilli Episcopi: —
“智慧之镜,由主教B. Cyrillus撰写: —

alias quadripartitus apologeticus vocatus, in cujus quidem proverbiis omnis et totius sapientiae speculum claret et feliciter incipit. —
又被称为四部分辩护书,其中包含了所有智慧和知识的镜子,顺利地开始了。 —

” The other is a larger work in two volumes, published in the fourteenth century by Caesar Heisterbach, a Cistercian monk, under the title of “Dialogus Miraculorum,” reprinted in 1851. —
另一部更大的作品分为两卷,由西斯特定修士Caesar Heisterbach于14世纪出版,标题为“奇迹的对话”,并于1851年重印。 —

This work consists of conversations in which many stories are interwoven on all kinds of subjects. —
这部作品由许多关于各种主题的对话构成,其中穿插着许多故事。 —

It has no correspondence with the pure Aesopian fable.
它与纯粹的Aesop寓言毫无关联。

  1. Post-medieval Preachers, by S. Baring-Gould. Rivingtons, 1865.
    《后中世纪的传教士》,作者S. Baring-Gould。 Rivingtons出版,1865年。

  2. For an account of this work see the Life of Poggio Bracciolini, by the Rev. William Shepherd. —
    有关这部作品的介绍可参阅威廉·谢泼德牧师的《波吉奥·布拉乔里尼尼传》。 —

Liverpool. 1801.
利物浦。1801年。

  1. Professor Theodore Bergh. See Classical Museum, No. viii. —
    14. 教授西奥多·博格。见《古典博物馆》,第八期。 —

July, 1849.
1849年7月。

  1. Vavassor’s treatise, entitled “De Ludicra Dictione” was written A.D. 1658, at the request of the celebrated M. Balzac (though published after his death), for the purpose of showing that the burlesque style of writing adopted by Scarron and D’Assouci, and at that time so popular in France, had no sanction from the ancient classic writers. —
    15. 瓦瓦索尔的著作《论滑稽辞》是在1658年应著名的巴尔扎克先生之邀撰写的(虽然在他去世后出版),旨在证明法国当时流行的斯卡龙和达苏西采用的滑稽写作风格并没有古典文学作品的认可。 —

Francisci Vavassoris opera omnia. —
弗朗西斯科·瓦瓦索尔的全部作品。 —

Amsterdam. 1709.
阿姆斯特丹,1709年。

  1. The claims of Babrias also found a warm advocate in the learned Frenchman, M. Bayle, who, in his admirable dictionary, (Dictionnaire Historique et Critique de Pierre Bayle. Paris, 1820,) gives additional arguments in confirmation of the opinions of his learned predecessors, Nevelet and Vavassor.
    16. 法国学者巴伊勒在他出色的词典《彼埃尔·巴伊勒的历史与批评词典》(巴黎,1820年)中,进一步证明了他的学术前辈尼韦莱和瓦瓦索尔的观点,并为巴布里亚斯的主张提供了有力支持。

  2. Scazonic, or halting, iambics; —
    17. 斯卡佐尼卡韵律,或者说跛行的抑扬格; —

a choliambic (a lame, halting iambic) differs from the iambic Senarius in always having a spondee or trichee for its last foot; —
一个病态的跛行抑扬句(choliambic)与抑扬六步格不同之处在于它总是将最后一步置为重音或重拍步。 —

the fifth foot, to avoid shortness of meter, being generally an iambic. —
第五个脚,为了避免节律过短,通常是抑扬格的。 —

See Fables of Babrias, translated by Rev. James Davies. —
阅读巴布里阿斯的寓言,由詹姆斯·戴维斯牧师翻译。 —

Lockwood, 1860. Preface, p. 27.
Lockwood, 1860年。前言,第27页。

  1. See Dr. Bentley’s Dissertations upon the Epistles of Phalaris.
    18。参见本特利博士关于法拉利斯书信的论文。

  2. Dr. Bentley’s Dissertations on the Epistles of Phalaris, and Fables of Aesop examined. —
    19。本特利博士关于法拉利斯书信以及伊索寓言的论文。 —

By the Honorable Charles Boyle.
由尊敬的查尔斯·博伊尔撰写。